Thursday, January 29, 2015
Recurring Visions
I have a recurring vision. I'm walking out of the massive door of the Main Building of UST into my car when a gunman hits me with a single shot at the right parietal section of my skull. And the scene would end. Then it would play over and over until the actual nightmare would set in. The same angles, the same characters, the same endings.
I have a recurring vision. I'm sitting in a reclined hospital bed at St. Luke's receiving the same poison that saved my life many years ago thru my veins. The nurse would keep on probing through my hands and see if there's any more veins to poke. She'd flick my already collapsed veins until she sees any sign of healthy vessels. Over and over.
I have a recurring vision. I'd go into a well-lit room full of people I've known all my life. Everyone's well dressed. My closest friends wear barong and the women wear black. The women are gossiping about the most mundane things mostly about the most unimportant, inconsequential people. The men, including my brothers, are somber and wearing the black armbands given to them by the Grand. It's a sight to behold. I get into the room already knowing what to expect and with no one paying attention to my arrival. I get deeper into the hall and I see the ornate wooden box with a dozen candles lit around it. And there was myself.
And this recurring vision I have seen over and over. It is so overplayed that the vividness of its colors makes it look alive and real. It is so overplayed that the other nightmares started to look like huge flops in this nonsensical, tired, almost annoying vision.
But the disturbing thing about these visions is that, well it is not that disturbing anymore. They have recurred enough that the mind has adapted to its everyday occurrence. They have cease to evoke a sense of doom or panic. They are just visions. Visions that would decide to play themselves, again and again, in the mind when the day has settled and everyone has left for the evening. Uninvited. Unwelcome.
I have a recurring vision. It's dark and the voices are fading away.
Thursday, March 17, 2011
mission and vision during middle age
When do you start re-thinking the mission and vision of your middle age? Things are different now. You kinda fulfilled some of your goals, you somewhat got those educational parameters you have set out for yourself and therefore the most important benchmark of success or failure can more or less be ascertained. The babies are bigger, the wife has gained some pounds on the lateral aspect of her once-upon-a-time coca cola body, but remains generally charming.
Again, how do you re-configure the mission and vision of your middle age? Do you blow your ROTH and IRA in order to accept a calling to help the mother country in governance and actually be "cajoled" into seeking the nomination of the ruling party? Is it worth putting all your ROTH and IRA eggs in one basket in the hope that there will be political resurrection for you and all your supporters? and would this whole process support the mission and vision of your life beyond middle age?
How do you go back to those plans to fix the stuff that you now wish didn't happen and how they now ironically fit in your mission and vision. without even trying. Like establishing a practice with your buddies. living in the same neighborhood. playing golf in the late afternoon with large acacia trees as vanguards against score cheating perpetrated by the caddies. and basking in the glory of a gentle life. and had The-One-That-Got-Away not gotten away, maybe married bliss with a couple of cute little gremlins would be running around my little shack. or they would have added five more years to my 35 y/o face because of the stresses of fatherhood. regrets, regrets.
And on moments like this, I ask myself, why did I stray too far from my mission and vision just when I was finishing college? If anyone had his plan cut in stone at 20 years old, that was me. And then in one uncharacteristic moment of impulsive behavior, my mission and vision rotated 180 degrees that now included living in the florida suburbs, working as a corporate slave albeit a comfortable and well-compensated life and turning away from the society i was so used to navigating and exploring. the transition was so seamless, however. my accent, still filipino but not possessing the strong stench of adobo, contributed in making my assimilation more natural.
But now it's all wearing me out. My mission and vision still haunts me to this day. The constant call of duty and a deeper sense of home become louder as middle age roars like the drumbeat to war. Louder and louder, it is calling all those who either have real intentions for the country, or those who are just going to cash in on the weight of their family name, or those who just want a kick out of it. whatever it is, middle age seems to be the biologic time when we are all called to the Batasan complex and take our oath before the next fellow idiot.
But i guess i assimilated too well in the suburbs of pretty florida. i actually call it home now. i now have roots here that will have to be severed painfully when i decide to hop on to that 747 back to manila for the last time. roots that do not even figure in the mission and vision. it's just been so complicated as well. even the promise of political power would not pay for the investments i have laid here, financial and emotional. how do you just turn away from 7 years of peaceful bliss? unless we qualify bliss to include a simmering cardiac situation that maybe, just maybe precipitated by a healthy dose of stress.
I am not ready to go back this year or the next. at this point we have to choose our battles and see that our readiness never goes away. middle age doesn't usually put a damper on such kind of passion, it even creates situations that enhance the fulfillment of the mission and vision.
so i really envy my closest buddies in manila. they have the faces of content as they go about their lives. and their mission and vision is almost completely done. you'll know my chinese best buddy's preoccupied when you can't bother him with trivial matters particularly bad jokes. at least you know he's fine. the other kapampangan one will let you know that he's doing great because he'll bother you with mundane trivial pursuits. but one thing's for sure with these 2 best buddies of mine. they stuck to their mission and vision. when we were younger and stupider, we dreamed of a more perfect world for the 3 of us and our would be families. (oh well, now you know who strayed first) we dreamed about reaping the benefits of our hard labor in medical school, internship and residency. the 2 of them would be doing hard core medical practice while i go on to serve the nobler calling of serving our people.
well my own mission and vision are not completely lost. and i hope it's not too late.
Again, how do you re-configure the mission and vision of your middle age? Do you blow your ROTH and IRA in order to accept a calling to help the mother country in governance and actually be "cajoled" into seeking the nomination of the ruling party? Is it worth putting all your ROTH and IRA eggs in one basket in the hope that there will be political resurrection for you and all your supporters? and would this whole process support the mission and vision of your life beyond middle age?
How do you go back to those plans to fix the stuff that you now wish didn't happen and how they now ironically fit in your mission and vision. without even trying. Like establishing a practice with your buddies. living in the same neighborhood. playing golf in the late afternoon with large acacia trees as vanguards against score cheating perpetrated by the caddies. and basking in the glory of a gentle life. and had The-One-That-Got-Away not gotten away, maybe married bliss with a couple of cute little gremlins would be running around my little shack. or they would have added five more years to my 35 y/o face because of the stresses of fatherhood. regrets, regrets.
And on moments like this, I ask myself, why did I stray too far from my mission and vision just when I was finishing college? If anyone had his plan cut in stone at 20 years old, that was me. And then in one uncharacteristic moment of impulsive behavior, my mission and vision rotated 180 degrees that now included living in the florida suburbs, working as a corporate slave albeit a comfortable and well-compensated life and turning away from the society i was so used to navigating and exploring. the transition was so seamless, however. my accent, still filipino but not possessing the strong stench of adobo, contributed in making my assimilation more natural.
But now it's all wearing me out. My mission and vision still haunts me to this day. The constant call of duty and a deeper sense of home become louder as middle age roars like the drumbeat to war. Louder and louder, it is calling all those who either have real intentions for the country, or those who are just going to cash in on the weight of their family name, or those who just want a kick out of it. whatever it is, middle age seems to be the biologic time when we are all called to the Batasan complex and take our oath before the next fellow idiot.
But i guess i assimilated too well in the suburbs of pretty florida. i actually call it home now. i now have roots here that will have to be severed painfully when i decide to hop on to that 747 back to manila for the last time. roots that do not even figure in the mission and vision. it's just been so complicated as well. even the promise of political power would not pay for the investments i have laid here, financial and emotional. how do you just turn away from 7 years of peaceful bliss? unless we qualify bliss to include a simmering cardiac situation that maybe, just maybe precipitated by a healthy dose of stress.
I am not ready to go back this year or the next. at this point we have to choose our battles and see that our readiness never goes away. middle age doesn't usually put a damper on such kind of passion, it even creates situations that enhance the fulfillment of the mission and vision.
so i really envy my closest buddies in manila. they have the faces of content as they go about their lives. and their mission and vision is almost completely done. you'll know my chinese best buddy's preoccupied when you can't bother him with trivial matters particularly bad jokes. at least you know he's fine. the other kapampangan one will let you know that he's doing great because he'll bother you with mundane trivial pursuits. but one thing's for sure with these 2 best buddies of mine. they stuck to their mission and vision. when we were younger and stupider, we dreamed of a more perfect world for the 3 of us and our would be families. (oh well, now you know who strayed first) we dreamed about reaping the benefits of our hard labor in medical school, internship and residency. the 2 of them would be doing hard core medical practice while i go on to serve the nobler calling of serving our people.
well my own mission and vision are not completely lost. and i hope it's not too late.
Saturday, September 25, 2010
Head of the Family
When I was three or four, my mother and I scoured Escolta looking for a puppy that was being sold by a street vendor. It caught my eye as we were crossing the bridge that led to the Santa Cruz Church. To my father's consternation, I insisted on searching for the dog in that old but what was then a fashionable district, which at the end of it all might well turn out to be a lowly mongrel. Not that I never took care of mongrels later on in my childhood. But Escolta's profound graphic representation of my more genteel youth bodes well with the district's cobble stones, turn-of-the-century lamps and better dressed Filipinos. While Camilo my father was working in his office in one of those buildings, Pacita my mother and I would try to find the best outfit for this unico hijo in a store called Soriente Santos. I'm not sure if I was really supposed to look mature at three or four, but Pacita bought me suits that I wore even in not so important occasions. I never felt awkward about my magkaternong suit because for some reason, Pacita my mother always said that that's how a young gentleman should look like.
And a gentleman I think I was for the better part of my toddler years. I remember my aunt, Tia Aurea was so amazed at how I would never address adults directly but whisper to my mother whatever it was that concerned me. Or maybe it was a sign of extreme shyness. I didn't play just with anyone unless i was sure that they were nice kids. My father Camilo made sure that I played with the right children lest I get hurt in games that involved too much physical stress. in that sense, being the only boy who had Cadiz as a last name became both a blessing and a curse to my childhood.
This over-protectiveness of my father extended into my teen years. I was banned from biking in certain roads because they were deemed too busy with fast-moving cars. And just to make sure that I didn't hurt myself climbing trees or chasing after my hundred or so racing pigeons, I always had a boy who was at least my age or younger who did those chores for me. Among other things. These sidekicks flew kites for me, chased monitor lizards at the creek behind our house as well as kept an eye on potential kidnappers. When I was about 10, some shenanigans sent my family a letter threatening to kidnap me unless Camilo my father gave in to their requests. Many requests. Requests which of course were never granted either because they just simply overestimated my potential worth as a kidnap victim or they were plain ridiculous.
I don't know. But I was never told nor was I convinced even in my childhood that we were wealthy. We didn't have any business as a family or as a clan. In fact I had the distinct impression that my ancestors including the more immediate ones weren't really very hardworking people. For generations, the family lived off the harvests from our lands. And it was probably these lands that failed to convince people that we weren't really the cash-flowing clan that they think we were. In fact, sometime in the 80s and early 90s when copra was so dirt cheap, we had our share of bad economic times. Our family home, while relatively large by turn of the century standards, hasn't seen major renovation since the american occupation. And while I went away to attend a nice high school in Manila, I still felt I didn't get everything I wanted as a teenager.
It's probably the over-pondering about childhood and teen years that is so characteristic of mid-life. As we begrudgingly drag our feet into the 40s, some coped better than the others. They connected their nice memories of childhood and how they have shaped their personalities in their twenties and early thirties. and it kinda makes sense. My pampered childhood gave me a sense of protection and deep love but likewise exposed the fragility of a child whose killer instinct might have been be in jeopardy. the hunt for that little mongrel in sta cruz might be telling of my future sense on what animal's value can be discernible as it sits in its owner's basket as it lays waiting for the next available customer.
When my mother saw to it that i got nice suits, she knew that sometime in the future, it would be my turn to see that her needs are attended to. this sudden reversal still escapes me because although i might be turning 40 next year, i really was just 27 two weeks ago. My father's earlier than expected passing also put me through a responsibility i've been told from the beginning was mine but i ignored nonetheless. Now i'm the head of my family and along comes with it are the consequent benefits and heavy responsibilities.
soriente santos is no longer in escolta to help me look the part of the distinguished head of the family. that's good... that's good because i think that's the easiest part of it.
And a gentleman I think I was for the better part of my toddler years. I remember my aunt, Tia Aurea was so amazed at how I would never address adults directly but whisper to my mother whatever it was that concerned me. Or maybe it was a sign of extreme shyness. I didn't play just with anyone unless i was sure that they were nice kids. My father Camilo made sure that I played with the right children lest I get hurt in games that involved too much physical stress. in that sense, being the only boy who had Cadiz as a last name became both a blessing and a curse to my childhood.
This over-protectiveness of my father extended into my teen years. I was banned from biking in certain roads because they were deemed too busy with fast-moving cars. And just to make sure that I didn't hurt myself climbing trees or chasing after my hundred or so racing pigeons, I always had a boy who was at least my age or younger who did those chores for me. Among other things. These sidekicks flew kites for me, chased monitor lizards at the creek behind our house as well as kept an eye on potential kidnappers. When I was about 10, some shenanigans sent my family a letter threatening to kidnap me unless Camilo my father gave in to their requests. Many requests. Requests which of course were never granted either because they just simply overestimated my potential worth as a kidnap victim or they were plain ridiculous.
I don't know. But I was never told nor was I convinced even in my childhood that we were wealthy. We didn't have any business as a family or as a clan. In fact I had the distinct impression that my ancestors including the more immediate ones weren't really very hardworking people. For generations, the family lived off the harvests from our lands. And it was probably these lands that failed to convince people that we weren't really the cash-flowing clan that they think we were. In fact, sometime in the 80s and early 90s when copra was so dirt cheap, we had our share of bad economic times. Our family home, while relatively large by turn of the century standards, hasn't seen major renovation since the american occupation. And while I went away to attend a nice high school in Manila, I still felt I didn't get everything I wanted as a teenager.
It's probably the over-pondering about childhood and teen years that is so characteristic of mid-life. As we begrudgingly drag our feet into the 40s, some coped better than the others. They connected their nice memories of childhood and how they have shaped their personalities in their twenties and early thirties. and it kinda makes sense. My pampered childhood gave me a sense of protection and deep love but likewise exposed the fragility of a child whose killer instinct might have been be in jeopardy. the hunt for that little mongrel in sta cruz might be telling of my future sense on what animal's value can be discernible as it sits in its owner's basket as it lays waiting for the next available customer.
When my mother saw to it that i got nice suits, she knew that sometime in the future, it would be my turn to see that her needs are attended to. this sudden reversal still escapes me because although i might be turning 40 next year, i really was just 27 two weeks ago. My father's earlier than expected passing also put me through a responsibility i've been told from the beginning was mine but i ignored nonetheless. Now i'm the head of my family and along comes with it are the consequent benefits and heavy responsibilities.
soriente santos is no longer in escolta to help me look the part of the distinguished head of the family. that's good... that's good because i think that's the easiest part of it.
Sunday, April 11, 2010
Gibo's Lost Cause
Gilbert Teodoro has all the makings of a successful politician. He was born into the right clan. He is Danding Cojuangco and Cory Aquino's nephew, the leaders of the two most important power blocs in the country in the past 25 years. He got an impeccable educational pedigree from Xavier to La Salle to UP then to Harvard with topping the Philippine Bar as his crowning achievement. Indeed, there's never been any doubt about this guy's intellectual capacity to lead.
Except that he has one fatal flaw. He is running for president under a party that has been condemned to the Dark Side since 2004. While the wicked ways of Philippine traditional politics would allow Lakas-Kampi's rank and file candidates from congressmen to town councilors to still dominate the elections come counting time, any association with its titular head, Gloria Arroyo is just too toxic for any presidential contender. In fact, Arroyo and Teodoro have never campaigned together nor have they appeared publicly in the same location since the campaign started. Some would say this is a stinging repudiation of Arroyo by Teodoro. Some say it is a smart strategy that utilizes Lakas' extensive machinery while staying away from Arroyo's kiss of death. What is clear is that both are keenly aware of one's effect on the other and they know it is not going to serve either one of them well. No one is saying, however, that Teodoro is being ungrateful for not acknowledging the president enough. In every forum for presidential candidates, Teodoro's most testy and at times trying moments are those where questions on his association with Arroyo are raised. Not only is it the 800 pound gorilla in the room, it might well be the tragedy of Gibo Teodoro.
And this is the heart of Teodoro's troubles. He can distance himself all he want from Arroyo's negative energy, but he still carries the banner of the party that is blamed for wanton corruption, electoral fraud of colossal proportions and human rights violations that could well compete with those attributed to Marcos. And the people rightfully hold him accountable for the Arroyo government's quality of governance. Not only is Arroyo not on the ballot for president, Teodoro had become the face of this monolithic and deeply-entrenched party. And while his supporters are quick to point out his sterling qualities as a leader and intellectual, the people's perception of him as Arroyo's candidate is just too strong to go away that easily. Besides, in more mature democracies, that is fair game. When a government screws up, the people are quick to remove the party that they so overwhelmingly elected in the previous elections. Although that can't be said of Arroyo. To say that she was even elected in 2004 becomes laughable in light of the hello garci tapes.
Teodoro's poor performance in the surveys is now a source of another fantastic spin by the Lakas camp. Now he is a victim. He is a victim because he is being judged as Arroyo's candidate and not the brilliant candidate that he is. He is a victim because he is being blamed for all the sins of the administration when he is running on his own. He is a victim because it's not his fault that Arroyo is seen by many as the reincarnation of the Fallen Angel. He is the victim because his powerful uncle Danding thinks he is one ungrateful protegee and that his counter spin is that he is not running for his uncle nor for his family but for the good of the country. Which is all so sweet except that it is such a bullshit.
Running so far behind in the race doesn't make Teodoro a victim, that makes him a potential loser. And running so far behind despite one's status as the ruling party's candidate with all its built-in advantages is not being a victim, it's called running a lousy campaign. Being judged as Arroyo's candidate is indeed playing the role of a victim. A willing victim. Let no one ever forget too that this man actively sought, competed for and obtained the nomination of Lakas and Arroyo's personal endorsement. He abandoned his uncle's much leaner Nationalist People's Coalition to take advantage of the muscles and stealth of Arroyo's Lakas-Kampi. Now he is stuck with it. In fact, he might have to preside over this party's total disintegration after the elections when the same wicked ways of Philippine politics would make Lakas just another minor political party when its members abandon it to join the new ruling party. Like they did from Marcos' KBL to Cory's PDP-LABAN-UNIDO to Ramos' Lakas-NUCD to Erap's NPC-PMP then back to another incarnation of Lakas-Kampi by Arroyo.
And to say that Teodoro should not be blamed for Arroyo's many sins just does not make political sense. That's what elections are supposed to do. It's supposed to bring back to the people the power to hold those who governed them accountable for how their leaders failed them. Teodoro not only shares the same party with Arroyo, he likewise served Arroyo's government in the very strategic role as Defense Secretary. He did not just play deaf when the hello garci tapes were playing, nor played blind while his colleagues in the cabinet were stealing billions in the fertilizer scam, Teodoro willingly embraced Arroyo and her government.
Why and how some people would even ignore the Arroyo aspect of Teodoro's candidacy is just too much of a spin. There's no way around it. That despite Teodoro's supposed brilliance, he failed to discern the collective impact of 10 years of unbridled greed for power and money in his decision to join her government, much less run as her party's standard bearer.
Teodoro's candidacy in Arroyo's party is no accident. And consequently, neither is his impending catastrophic defeat.
Except that he has one fatal flaw. He is running for president under a party that has been condemned to the Dark Side since 2004. While the wicked ways of Philippine traditional politics would allow Lakas-Kampi's rank and file candidates from congressmen to town councilors to still dominate the elections come counting time, any association with its titular head, Gloria Arroyo is just too toxic for any presidential contender. In fact, Arroyo and Teodoro have never campaigned together nor have they appeared publicly in the same location since the campaign started. Some would say this is a stinging repudiation of Arroyo by Teodoro. Some say it is a smart strategy that utilizes Lakas' extensive machinery while staying away from Arroyo's kiss of death. What is clear is that both are keenly aware of one's effect on the other and they know it is not going to serve either one of them well. No one is saying, however, that Teodoro is being ungrateful for not acknowledging the president enough. In every forum for presidential candidates, Teodoro's most testy and at times trying moments are those where questions on his association with Arroyo are raised. Not only is it the 800 pound gorilla in the room, it might well be the tragedy of Gibo Teodoro.
And this is the heart of Teodoro's troubles. He can distance himself all he want from Arroyo's negative energy, but he still carries the banner of the party that is blamed for wanton corruption, electoral fraud of colossal proportions and human rights violations that could well compete with those attributed to Marcos. And the people rightfully hold him accountable for the Arroyo government's quality of governance. Not only is Arroyo not on the ballot for president, Teodoro had become the face of this monolithic and deeply-entrenched party. And while his supporters are quick to point out his sterling qualities as a leader and intellectual, the people's perception of him as Arroyo's candidate is just too strong to go away that easily. Besides, in more mature democracies, that is fair game. When a government screws up, the people are quick to remove the party that they so overwhelmingly elected in the previous elections. Although that can't be said of Arroyo. To say that she was even elected in 2004 becomes laughable in light of the hello garci tapes.
Teodoro's poor performance in the surveys is now a source of another fantastic spin by the Lakas camp. Now he is a victim. He is a victim because he is being judged as Arroyo's candidate and not the brilliant candidate that he is. He is a victim because he is being blamed for all the sins of the administration when he is running on his own. He is a victim because it's not his fault that Arroyo is seen by many as the reincarnation of the Fallen Angel. He is the victim because his powerful uncle Danding thinks he is one ungrateful protegee and that his counter spin is that he is not running for his uncle nor for his family but for the good of the country. Which is all so sweet except that it is such a bullshit.
Running so far behind in the race doesn't make Teodoro a victim, that makes him a potential loser. And running so far behind despite one's status as the ruling party's candidate with all its built-in advantages is not being a victim, it's called running a lousy campaign. Being judged as Arroyo's candidate is indeed playing the role of a victim. A willing victim. Let no one ever forget too that this man actively sought, competed for and obtained the nomination of Lakas and Arroyo's personal endorsement. He abandoned his uncle's much leaner Nationalist People's Coalition to take advantage of the muscles and stealth of Arroyo's Lakas-Kampi. Now he is stuck with it. In fact, he might have to preside over this party's total disintegration after the elections when the same wicked ways of Philippine politics would make Lakas just another minor political party when its members abandon it to join the new ruling party. Like they did from Marcos' KBL to Cory's PDP-LABAN-UNIDO to Ramos' Lakas-NUCD to Erap's NPC-PMP then back to another incarnation of Lakas-Kampi by Arroyo.
And to say that Teodoro should not be blamed for Arroyo's many sins just does not make political sense. That's what elections are supposed to do. It's supposed to bring back to the people the power to hold those who governed them accountable for how their leaders failed them. Teodoro not only shares the same party with Arroyo, he likewise served Arroyo's government in the very strategic role as Defense Secretary. He did not just play deaf when the hello garci tapes were playing, nor played blind while his colleagues in the cabinet were stealing billions in the fertilizer scam, Teodoro willingly embraced Arroyo and her government.
Why and how some people would even ignore the Arroyo aspect of Teodoro's candidacy is just too much of a spin. There's no way around it. That despite Teodoro's supposed brilliance, he failed to discern the collective impact of 10 years of unbridled greed for power and money in his decision to join her government, much less run as her party's standard bearer.
Teodoro's candidacy in Arroyo's party is no accident. And consequently, neither is his impending catastrophic defeat.
Saturday, February 20, 2010
why this election matters
in this election, the cliche becomes the alarming truth. election after every election in the philippines, talking heads always make it a point to say that this is the most important one in our lifetime. that it would redefine how we live, how we relate to our neighbors and potentially change the fortunes of millions of people for better or for worse.
2010 whether we like it might be our last chance to finally make it on board the latest and strongest wave of Asian economic revolutions. furthermore, the passing of 10 years of uninhibited and shameless greed might have spared the elite and the upper middle class with an economic implosion, but it has left the poor much more destitute than they ever were. something that doesn't mix well with our being part of the region's ascendancy as the new epicenter of world economic power.
this is validated by every survey done by either the Social Weather Station or Pulse Asia where those at the bottom of the food chain consistently describe themselves as much poorer and much hungrier than ever before. the creation of this massive underclass, angry and desperate doesn't bode well for a country trying to recover from a family's greed. it would make it a lot harder for the new president to manage an economy that has been effective divided into two distinct jurisdictions. one for the wealthy and one for the very poor. the new president will also have to grapple with a stunning budget deficit left by this irresponsible arroyo regime as a political measure to keep the economy artificially growing despite the lack of real industrial, commercial or agricultural productivity. all these factors create the perfect condition for a sudden and explosive social upheaval.
like here in the United States where the depth of this dark and nasty recession hasn't been anticipated by anyone long before it happened, the next philippine president faces a poverty problem that has been in evolution for at least 40 years. chronic and deeply insidious, this problem defies unimaginative solutions. villar's sloganeering and pathetic pandering to the poor reminds us of past campaigns that targeted this vulnerable sector as a reliable electoral tool. villar, once dirt poor, has a cute and charming story that inspires the teleserye crowd. but the presidency is more than botox-type image engineering in solving the country's problems. it takes more than a slew of commercials to hide what's behind the glitzy campaign, a dearth of ideas.
and the two leading candidates, while both declared oppositionists to arroyo, have very different backgrounds as they present themselves to the people. villar presents himself as the candidate of the poor on the basis of his having come from that side of the hood. aquino on the other hand, belongs to perhaps the most remarkable if not the most loved family in the country. to say that the aquinos are the philippines' answer to america's kennedys would perhaps be too presumptuous for the kennedys. the political orientation of these two men are quite a departure from each other as well. aquino aligns himself with the socially progressive groups that espouse policy in tune with the left of center. villar on the other hand, while having been successful in wooing some important characters from the Left, can only be described as a centrist, if at all. his past advocacies and policies have too much straddling between social philosophies that it is hard to decipher who villar really is.
well the answer is simple, he's none of these. in his political statements, he never showed any consistency of political and social purpose. his actions were dictated by what the times called for. like impeaching estrada, a supposed ally of his at that time, when public sympathy showed that that was the expedient thing to do. and in every senate investigation when he took its reins, villar clearly read the surveys everyday and conveniently acted accordingly.
now he is pandering to the poor. agitating the poor's sentiments against the government that for almost 20 years he helped craft and form policy. mindful of his billions' power in obtaining the presidency, he gives away houses and lots, tricycles and jeepneys in noontime shows with his poorly botoxed face in an act that can only be described as quintessentially filipino, dole out politics. and he makes no qualms too in declaring that he's using his own money. to say that villar is buying his way into malacanang is an understatement. how he will reap the profits of this massive investment into this campaign for the presidency, only the wisest deity would really know.
of course, aquino is not necessarily a mendicant either. he is the scion of an old and legendary political and economic clan. his existence is the perfect specimen of the marriage between politics and old money. his candidacy brings back pictures of the of the marcos-aquino divide that consumed the nation's energy for decades. questions on his sincerity about social reform appears in the backdrop of his family's feudal character. the hacienda luisita question still begs to be answered.
but despite all these, conrado de quiros' assertion of this election as being between good and evil becomes the title of this election's teleserye. the necessity of picking an honest and competent president whose character is capable of personal sacrifice instead of personal gain cannot be overemphasized. we need a leader who will not sell a part of our soul to our foreign partners as we seek our own place in the emerging world order in the Far East. villar's persistent involvement in his vast empire gives the term conflict of interest a whole new watered down definition. how a leader like him can broker well for our country and allow his businesses to take a back seat as he governs is indeed a very difficult task. villar never parted with his businesses when he was a congressman, speaker, senator, and senate president. and he won't start doing it now.
if villar wins therefore, our country will be mired again by a government that has lost all the trust that it needs to move forward the grand vision of re-building a great country. not when there are investigations left and right and a persistent instability brought about by a restless and suspicious public.
corruption must end. there's got to be a plan out there that would at least aim to drastically curb stealing other people's money. corruption not only weakens our economy, it hinders the country from fully participating in the greatest economic drama since america's surge as the leading economic power of the 20th century. if we let china's ascent scare us more than be inspired by its tremendous leap forward and be on-board the drive towards ultra-modernity, then we would have missed out once again as we did in the 60s and 70s. given the porousness of our nation's borders, goods, services and even human labor will be exchanged at levels never before seen in the world economy. the philippines should benefit immensely from this given our strategic position in the center of the southeast asian basin.
the next president's view (or the lack of it) of all these massive changes will determine who will be able to maximize the benefits of a resurgent chinese economy. it will certainly involve a resurgent japan and south korea, and the rest of southeast asia will be awash with direct investments.
we just can't afford another costly mistake at the polls anymore. it's now or never for the philippines.instead of the security threat that china has always been perceived to be in the philippines, it now presents as a giant opportunity for the philippines and for the region in creating prosperity never before seen in this scale and breadth. choosing which leader to negotiate for us will therefore determine the philippines' rising role in the Asia-Pacific.
now more that ever, our nation's fate is dependent on the economic prosperity of our neigboring China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and even Singapore. The continuing decline of the US vis-a-vis the Far East tells us of s rapidly shifting balance of economic power. in 2008, china overtook japan as the world's 2nd largest economy. in 2015, china will do the same with the US.
We would therefore require an outward-looking, honest and competent leader with no conflicting interests as he or she deals with infrastructures, joint ventures and human power exchange programs. in other words, we need an honest advocate in negotiating the terms of our country's future.
of course, he can't be selling his land with malls on the side as the site of his first bullet train project can't he?
2010 whether we like it might be our last chance to finally make it on board the latest and strongest wave of Asian economic revolutions. furthermore, the passing of 10 years of uninhibited and shameless greed might have spared the elite and the upper middle class with an economic implosion, but it has left the poor much more destitute than they ever were. something that doesn't mix well with our being part of the region's ascendancy as the new epicenter of world economic power.
this is validated by every survey done by either the Social Weather Station or Pulse Asia where those at the bottom of the food chain consistently describe themselves as much poorer and much hungrier than ever before. the creation of this massive underclass, angry and desperate doesn't bode well for a country trying to recover from a family's greed. it would make it a lot harder for the new president to manage an economy that has been effective divided into two distinct jurisdictions. one for the wealthy and one for the very poor. the new president will also have to grapple with a stunning budget deficit left by this irresponsible arroyo regime as a political measure to keep the economy artificially growing despite the lack of real industrial, commercial or agricultural productivity. all these factors create the perfect condition for a sudden and explosive social upheaval.
like here in the United States where the depth of this dark and nasty recession hasn't been anticipated by anyone long before it happened, the next philippine president faces a poverty problem that has been in evolution for at least 40 years. chronic and deeply insidious, this problem defies unimaginative solutions. villar's sloganeering and pathetic pandering to the poor reminds us of past campaigns that targeted this vulnerable sector as a reliable electoral tool. villar, once dirt poor, has a cute and charming story that inspires the teleserye crowd. but the presidency is more than botox-type image engineering in solving the country's problems. it takes more than a slew of commercials to hide what's behind the glitzy campaign, a dearth of ideas.
and the two leading candidates, while both declared oppositionists to arroyo, have very different backgrounds as they present themselves to the people. villar presents himself as the candidate of the poor on the basis of his having come from that side of the hood. aquino on the other hand, belongs to perhaps the most remarkable if not the most loved family in the country. to say that the aquinos are the philippines' answer to america's kennedys would perhaps be too presumptuous for the kennedys. the political orientation of these two men are quite a departure from each other as well. aquino aligns himself with the socially progressive groups that espouse policy in tune with the left of center. villar on the other hand, while having been successful in wooing some important characters from the Left, can only be described as a centrist, if at all. his past advocacies and policies have too much straddling between social philosophies that it is hard to decipher who villar really is.
well the answer is simple, he's none of these. in his political statements, he never showed any consistency of political and social purpose. his actions were dictated by what the times called for. like impeaching estrada, a supposed ally of his at that time, when public sympathy showed that that was the expedient thing to do. and in every senate investigation when he took its reins, villar clearly read the surveys everyday and conveniently acted accordingly.
now he is pandering to the poor. agitating the poor's sentiments against the government that for almost 20 years he helped craft and form policy. mindful of his billions' power in obtaining the presidency, he gives away houses and lots, tricycles and jeepneys in noontime shows with his poorly botoxed face in an act that can only be described as quintessentially filipino, dole out politics. and he makes no qualms too in declaring that he's using his own money. to say that villar is buying his way into malacanang is an understatement. how he will reap the profits of this massive investment into this campaign for the presidency, only the wisest deity would really know.
of course, aquino is not necessarily a mendicant either. he is the scion of an old and legendary political and economic clan. his existence is the perfect specimen of the marriage between politics and old money. his candidacy brings back pictures of the of the marcos-aquino divide that consumed the nation's energy for decades. questions on his sincerity about social reform appears in the backdrop of his family's feudal character. the hacienda luisita question still begs to be answered.
but despite all these, conrado de quiros' assertion of this election as being between good and evil becomes the title of this election's teleserye. the necessity of picking an honest and competent president whose character is capable of personal sacrifice instead of personal gain cannot be overemphasized. we need a leader who will not sell a part of our soul to our foreign partners as we seek our own place in the emerging world order in the Far East. villar's persistent involvement in his vast empire gives the term conflict of interest a whole new watered down definition. how a leader like him can broker well for our country and allow his businesses to take a back seat as he governs is indeed a very difficult task. villar never parted with his businesses when he was a congressman, speaker, senator, and senate president. and he won't start doing it now.
if villar wins therefore, our country will be mired again by a government that has lost all the trust that it needs to move forward the grand vision of re-building a great country. not when there are investigations left and right and a persistent instability brought about by a restless and suspicious public.
corruption must end. there's got to be a plan out there that would at least aim to drastically curb stealing other people's money. corruption not only weakens our economy, it hinders the country from fully participating in the greatest economic drama since america's surge as the leading economic power of the 20th century. if we let china's ascent scare us more than be inspired by its tremendous leap forward and be on-board the drive towards ultra-modernity, then we would have missed out once again as we did in the 60s and 70s. given the porousness of our nation's borders, goods, services and even human labor will be exchanged at levels never before seen in the world economy. the philippines should benefit immensely from this given our strategic position in the center of the southeast asian basin.
the next president's view (or the lack of it) of all these massive changes will determine who will be able to maximize the benefits of a resurgent chinese economy. it will certainly involve a resurgent japan and south korea, and the rest of southeast asia will be awash with direct investments.
we just can't afford another costly mistake at the polls anymore. it's now or never for the philippines.instead of the security threat that china has always been perceived to be in the philippines, it now presents as a giant opportunity for the philippines and for the region in creating prosperity never before seen in this scale and breadth. choosing which leader to negotiate for us will therefore determine the philippines' rising role in the Asia-Pacific.
now more that ever, our nation's fate is dependent on the economic prosperity of our neigboring China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and even Singapore. The continuing decline of the US vis-a-vis the Far East tells us of s rapidly shifting balance of economic power. in 2008, china overtook japan as the world's 2nd largest economy. in 2015, china will do the same with the US.
We would therefore require an outward-looking, honest and competent leader with no conflicting interests as he or she deals with infrastructures, joint ventures and human power exchange programs. in other words, we need an honest advocate in negotiating the terms of our country's future.
of course, he can't be selling his land with malls on the side as the site of his first bullet train project can't he?
Wednesday, January 6, 2010
Going Home
The other day, I spent time contemplating on where I go from here. I've settled pretty nicely in my little private cocoon in southwestern Florida under the distant but watchful eyes of my extended clan. When I boarded that Northwest flight to Newark five years ago, I have determined that it was time to create a new beginning in America. Leaving an excessively happy life in Manila with a social circle not a lot of mortals will be able to maintain wasn't necessarily easy, but the prospects of starting anew sort of negated all those nostalgic feelings of loss.
I got the job that I wanted in a city called Port Charlotte. A lot of people say that my start in the US was quite an easy one, bereft of horror stories of having to wash dishes or having to mop floors that even some my wealthier cousins had to do when they landed here decades ago. Within my first year of employment, I hit the 6-digit mark and never looked back. While I left behind a would-have-been new but flourishing career in Rehab Med, I had no regrets of the career shift I made to Pharmacy. Despite some horrific encounters with uneducated, uneducable, unkempt, severely drugged and rude scumbags as patients, pharmacists are highly regarded by the community. PharmD is almost educationally equivalent to an MD. Aside from the fact that I never had any intention of going back to residency here, I was fine with doing this gig for the long haul.
Determined to become a good American (as I still am), I believed (and still does) that immigrants have a greater burden of proving themselves worthy to share in the bounty of this country. I immersed myself in things that are important to everyone living in here. Consistently mindful of the heavy responsibility of contributing to society, I was always conscious of what I can do to help those in need. Despite the severe recession that hit the US and affected countless numbers of Americans, Fil-Ams included, the resiliency of my profession proved valuable in times of serious challenges.
But as the months turned into years, this same steadiness became my enemy as I battled the urge to go home to the Philippines. Pinoy TV was partly to blame for this slow slide into favoring a return home. My annual trips to the motherland always reconnected me with the family and friends that I left behind. But the sensation of always being home through TV everyday made me engaged with everything that was going on across the Pacific. Of course I'm exaggerating Pinoy TV's role in my life There are other big factors too. The apparent end of the Arroyo regime is a huge come-on for me since it was one of the primary reasons for my leaving in the first place. The thought of a post-Arroyo era excites me as this could open a lot of possibilities. And I must admit, I really miss the life I left behind. I miss the privileges of home. I miss the many people that surrounded me everyday in both Manila and in my home province. I miss traffic congestion too, America's freeways are way too convenient for me. I miss my friends. I miss the power that came with my uniform and my title. I know it's partly vanity, but I really want my old life back.
This going home is not set in stone though. I still haven't set the date, nor the year for that matter. All I know is that I'm no longer going to be here until and even beyond retirement. I have started to lay the ground work for this however. While this move is not by any means unstoppable, most of my present investment and career direction are all being geared towards this goal.
I guess this is a part of my destiny. Since I was a child, I have always been taught the deep sense of duty towards my country. I do not for one second regret my having left the country as this even made me value my being Filipino. Even the bad aspects of being one. I know that I will still come home to an imperfect place, one plagued by an ever worsening poverty problem, among a lot of other things. I also know that I will come home to a Philippines that had become 2 countries, one for the wealthy and one for the poor.
But these are also the reasons why I am going home. Staying In America, despite donations for causes in the Philippines, would really not mean much in effecting change. No matter how insignificant my contribution may be, I want to participate in building the country that we all want. The renewed hope with the ending of this brutal and greedy regime ushers in aspirations for a greater nation. The coming of the Pacific age with the ascendancy of China should be seized as an opportunity, not a threat. This is our new call as a nation, this just might be our time.
I have always said my piece from afar. It's now time to put my money where my mouth is. At home.
I got the job that I wanted in a city called Port Charlotte. A lot of people say that my start in the US was quite an easy one, bereft of horror stories of having to wash dishes or having to mop floors that even some my wealthier cousins had to do when they landed here decades ago. Within my first year of employment, I hit the 6-digit mark and never looked back. While I left behind a would-have-been new but flourishing career in Rehab Med, I had no regrets of the career shift I made to Pharmacy. Despite some horrific encounters with uneducated, uneducable, unkempt, severely drugged and rude scumbags as patients, pharmacists are highly regarded by the community. PharmD is almost educationally equivalent to an MD. Aside from the fact that I never had any intention of going back to residency here, I was fine with doing this gig for the long haul.
Determined to become a good American (as I still am), I believed (and still does) that immigrants have a greater burden of proving themselves worthy to share in the bounty of this country. I immersed myself in things that are important to everyone living in here. Consistently mindful of the heavy responsibility of contributing to society, I was always conscious of what I can do to help those in need. Despite the severe recession that hit the US and affected countless numbers of Americans, Fil-Ams included, the resiliency of my profession proved valuable in times of serious challenges.
But as the months turned into years, this same steadiness became my enemy as I battled the urge to go home to the Philippines. Pinoy TV was partly to blame for this slow slide into favoring a return home. My annual trips to the motherland always reconnected me with the family and friends that I left behind. But the sensation of always being home through TV everyday made me engaged with everything that was going on across the Pacific. Of course I'm exaggerating Pinoy TV's role in my life There are other big factors too. The apparent end of the Arroyo regime is a huge come-on for me since it was one of the primary reasons for my leaving in the first place. The thought of a post-Arroyo era excites me as this could open a lot of possibilities. And I must admit, I really miss the life I left behind. I miss the privileges of home. I miss the many people that surrounded me everyday in both Manila and in my home province. I miss traffic congestion too, America's freeways are way too convenient for me. I miss my friends. I miss the power that came with my uniform and my title. I know it's partly vanity, but I really want my old life back.
This going home is not set in stone though. I still haven't set the date, nor the year for that matter. All I know is that I'm no longer going to be here until and even beyond retirement. I have started to lay the ground work for this however. While this move is not by any means unstoppable, most of my present investment and career direction are all being geared towards this goal.
I guess this is a part of my destiny. Since I was a child, I have always been taught the deep sense of duty towards my country. I do not for one second regret my having left the country as this even made me value my being Filipino. Even the bad aspects of being one. I know that I will still come home to an imperfect place, one plagued by an ever worsening poverty problem, among a lot of other things. I also know that I will come home to a Philippines that had become 2 countries, one for the wealthy and one for the poor.
But these are also the reasons why I am going home. Staying In America, despite donations for causes in the Philippines, would really not mean much in effecting change. No matter how insignificant my contribution may be, I want to participate in building the country that we all want. The renewed hope with the ending of this brutal and greedy regime ushers in aspirations for a greater nation. The coming of the Pacific age with the ascendancy of China should be seized as an opportunity, not a threat. This is our new call as a nation, this just might be our time.
I have always said my piece from afar. It's now time to put my money where my mouth is. At home.
Saturday, January 24, 2009
Population and Politics: The Philippine Zarzuela
There we go again. After a relatively long lull in the public debate on population and reproductive rights, two issues that are inevitably intertwined in the Third World, the Philippines is again in the thick of a bitter and important discussion. In a country that in 2007 still grew at 2.04 %, incredibly high by any standards, setting this issue aside for political convenience might be good for short term survival for the government but is potentially catastrophic for the country’s long term prospects.
At 90 million, the Philippines has the world 12th biggest population and 45th in terms of density. This is startling considering the country’s land area, the proportion of its lands that are habitable and the scarcity of its material resources. While the last issue can be debatable as the country boasts of vast natural resources, the gross mismanagement of the country’s economy has made the trickling down of those resources to the population hardly felt especially by those at the bottom of the food chain. Just driving through the streets and highways of the Philippines particularly in Manila would give you a palpable sense of how overpopulated the country is. And the problems that emanate from overpopulation of course follows. The ballooning of those living in poverty, the increasing inadequacy of government services especially those that are directed towards the poor like health care, grassroots education and social alleviation are just some of the most serious consequences of unbridled population growth. For those who have lived in America for a long time, it is perhaps easier to appreciate the sensory experience of too much people in any given space.
Given the country’s undisputedly high population growth rate, one would expect the Arroyo government to move heaven and earth to correct this long-standing problem. With its much touted emphasis on poverty alleviation, it has miserably failed to reconcile the population factor in its long-term strategy. That is how despite the high economic growth that the country has posted in the past several years, the number of poor people still rise every year. In both SWS and Pulse Asia surveys, the percentage of people who describe themselves as poor or very poor is reaching alarming proportions. To date, the government through its Department of Health would still have nothing to do with artificial means of contraception. Almost on cue from the Catholic Church, the Arroyo government refuses to promote the more scientifically proven and reliable means of contraception especially among the poor. State funding for such methods are almost negligible relative to the DOH’s overall budget. Not only are these methods rendered inaccessible to the poor, it is likewise helping in perpetuating the myth that natural birth control alone can do the job.
And it all boils down to politics. The Catholic Church’s fingerprints on the government’s population policy are all over the place. The degree in the Church’s influence is such that the statements of its bishops are hardly distinguishable from those of the government. This has been especially cemented in the aftermath of the ZTE corruption expose which made the Arroyo government’s vulnerability all the more apparent. It can be recalled that at the height of the scandal when the government’s very survival was on the line, the Church leaderships’ position tipped the balance of power towards the beleaguered Arroyo. Needless to say, had the bishops called for a People Power in those critical times, things would have been very different today.
But the Catholic Church’s lobby on the population issue is not happening just now. Ramos, the country’s first and only Protestant president, pursued a population program completely independent of the Church. It was nevertheless an uneasy 6 years with the Church for Ramos and his Protestant DOH secretary Juan Flavier. Whether Ramos’ stellar economic record was a result of good population programs, the jury is not out yet. Whether Arroyo’s economic sense will finally reconcile the population component of the country’s long term economic and social strategy, it is clear that its final couple of years promise no change in policy.
Meanwhile, we can help ease the overcrowding by staying exactly where we are.
At 90 million, the Philippines has the world 12th biggest population and 45th in terms of density. This is startling considering the country’s land area, the proportion of its lands that are habitable and the scarcity of its material resources. While the last issue can be debatable as the country boasts of vast natural resources, the gross mismanagement of the country’s economy has made the trickling down of those resources to the population hardly felt especially by those at the bottom of the food chain. Just driving through the streets and highways of the Philippines particularly in Manila would give you a palpable sense of how overpopulated the country is. And the problems that emanate from overpopulation of course follows. The ballooning of those living in poverty, the increasing inadequacy of government services especially those that are directed towards the poor like health care, grassroots education and social alleviation are just some of the most serious consequences of unbridled population growth. For those who have lived in America for a long time, it is perhaps easier to appreciate the sensory experience of too much people in any given space.
Given the country’s undisputedly high population growth rate, one would expect the Arroyo government to move heaven and earth to correct this long-standing problem. With its much touted emphasis on poverty alleviation, it has miserably failed to reconcile the population factor in its long-term strategy. That is how despite the high economic growth that the country has posted in the past several years, the number of poor people still rise every year. In both SWS and Pulse Asia surveys, the percentage of people who describe themselves as poor or very poor is reaching alarming proportions. To date, the government through its Department of Health would still have nothing to do with artificial means of contraception. Almost on cue from the Catholic Church, the Arroyo government refuses to promote the more scientifically proven and reliable means of contraception especially among the poor. State funding for such methods are almost negligible relative to the DOH’s overall budget. Not only are these methods rendered inaccessible to the poor, it is likewise helping in perpetuating the myth that natural birth control alone can do the job.
And it all boils down to politics. The Catholic Church’s fingerprints on the government’s population policy are all over the place. The degree in the Church’s influence is such that the statements of its bishops are hardly distinguishable from those of the government. This has been especially cemented in the aftermath of the ZTE corruption expose which made the Arroyo government’s vulnerability all the more apparent. It can be recalled that at the height of the scandal when the government’s very survival was on the line, the Church leaderships’ position tipped the balance of power towards the beleaguered Arroyo. Needless to say, had the bishops called for a People Power in those critical times, things would have been very different today.
But the Catholic Church’s lobby on the population issue is not happening just now. Ramos, the country’s first and only Protestant president, pursued a population program completely independent of the Church. It was nevertheless an uneasy 6 years with the Church for Ramos and his Protestant DOH secretary Juan Flavier. Whether Ramos’ stellar economic record was a result of good population programs, the jury is not out yet. Whether Arroyo’s economic sense will finally reconcile the population component of the country’s long term economic and social strategy, it is clear that its final couple of years promise no change in policy.
Meanwhile, we can help ease the overcrowding by staying exactly where we are.
The China Question
Having been Asia’s central power for millennia, China has consistently dominated the politics and culture of much of the Far East. From Mongolia in the north to present day archipelagic Southeast Asia in the south, from Japan in the east to Turkey in the west, the depth and breath of the Chinese empire was unparalleled. The Chinese hegemony lasted for so long that much of the Far East’s trademark cultural DNA can be traced to Chinese roots. From rice to gun powder, from navigation to the invention of paper, the world would have been vastly different if the Middle Kingdom did not exist.
And yet, as late as the early 70s, China was being dismissed even as a regional power. Its lack of a true market economy and a bankrupt financial system coupled with its backward social doctrines made it the virtual sleeping giant in the Far East. While its rival, Taiwan galloped into the 80s as a modern economic power, China was deeply embroiled in its internal political and cultural struggles. It was still so deeply embedded in its socialist path that seriously undermined its economic competitiveness. Although China possessed the largest standing army in the world, it took tiny Vietnam to claim victory in their border war in 1979. Although China also claimed victory in the same war, it was undeniably a major blow to China’s ego as a major power. For decades, China continued to be the giant panda in the room as it remained a diplomatic pariah in the world since most relations were carried out with Taiwan, a.k.a. The Republic of China.
Until Nixon’s ping-pong diplomacy in the 1970s dramatically shifted China’s standing in the world. Looking for a counter-weight to the USSR in the socialist world, Nixon sought to engage the world’s most populous country in what would be China’s debut into the modern world of diplomacy. One by one, Western nations relocated their embassies from Taipei to Beijing. In fact, in one stunning stroke of genius, our very own Marcos preempted even the United States in shifting recognition to Beijing.
Upon Mao’s death and the tumultuous power struggle that ensued, Deng Xiaoping emerged from the rubbles of the Cultural Revolution to lead the China into unprecedented modernization and prosperity. From the early 80s to the present, China’s unstoppable double digit growth became the stuff of legend. Not even Japan’s “miracle economy” after the 60s would compare with the speed and intensity with which China’s leadership pursued its giant leap forward. Overnight, fishing villages in the country’s south and southeast coasts turned into ultra-modern cities of trade and industry. It is estimated that if today’s national growth rates remain the same, 2020 would be the year when China takes over the title as the world’s largest economy.
And this thought frightens a lot of people. The re-dawning of Chinese hegemony after almost half a millennium of lagging behind the West is a true cause for concern. Still a socialist country by loose definition, the prospect of Red China becoming number one creates anxiety for those who value free market as the way to go. While Beijing’s magnificent new skyscrapers would belie any centralized socialist planning, the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) omnipresence in its streets during the Beijing Olympics was my constant reminder of China’s continuous embrace of its Maoist heritage.
At the same time, however, China’s march into capitalism is just as unstoppable. The central government can continue to pledge allegiance to Mao for the duration of its existence, but one fact remains, its present prosperity is owed not to its hard-line socialist ideology but to its adoption of the free market. And if this prosperity should remain as the cornerstone of the present communist dynasty, the Chinese’ centuries old skills in trade will remain central to its way of life.
In this regard, China has truly come of age. When I decided to see the Beijing Olympics, part of my enthusiasm in coming was that I knew it would be a monumental event for China. The Olympics would be China’s stage in presenting itself as a modern, welcoming, prosperous and culturally sophisticated power. I knew that the Chinese government would spare no expense in making it the greatest Olympic event in history. And Beijing did not disappoint me.
If the Olympics would be any indication of how this massive civilization wants to engage the world, we should then be comforted by the outcome. It is also true that a lot of questions remain on how China conducts itself vis-à-vis Tibet, its regime’s stifling of political and press liberties, the perceived corruption in most levels of its bureaucracy, but it would be a serious mistake to re-isolate this awaken giant. These are all the more reason to continuously engage China.
To do otherwise is not only foolish, but extremely self-defeating.
And yet, as late as the early 70s, China was being dismissed even as a regional power. Its lack of a true market economy and a bankrupt financial system coupled with its backward social doctrines made it the virtual sleeping giant in the Far East. While its rival, Taiwan galloped into the 80s as a modern economic power, China was deeply embroiled in its internal political and cultural struggles. It was still so deeply embedded in its socialist path that seriously undermined its economic competitiveness. Although China possessed the largest standing army in the world, it took tiny Vietnam to claim victory in their border war in 1979. Although China also claimed victory in the same war, it was undeniably a major blow to China’s ego as a major power. For decades, China continued to be the giant panda in the room as it remained a diplomatic pariah in the world since most relations were carried out with Taiwan, a.k.a. The Republic of China.
Until Nixon’s ping-pong diplomacy in the 1970s dramatically shifted China’s standing in the world. Looking for a counter-weight to the USSR in the socialist world, Nixon sought to engage the world’s most populous country in what would be China’s debut into the modern world of diplomacy. One by one, Western nations relocated their embassies from Taipei to Beijing. In fact, in one stunning stroke of genius, our very own Marcos preempted even the United States in shifting recognition to Beijing.
Upon Mao’s death and the tumultuous power struggle that ensued, Deng Xiaoping emerged from the rubbles of the Cultural Revolution to lead the China into unprecedented modernization and prosperity. From the early 80s to the present, China’s unstoppable double digit growth became the stuff of legend. Not even Japan’s “miracle economy” after the 60s would compare with the speed and intensity with which China’s leadership pursued its giant leap forward. Overnight, fishing villages in the country’s south and southeast coasts turned into ultra-modern cities of trade and industry. It is estimated that if today’s national growth rates remain the same, 2020 would be the year when China takes over the title as the world’s largest economy.
And this thought frightens a lot of people. The re-dawning of Chinese hegemony after almost half a millennium of lagging behind the West is a true cause for concern. Still a socialist country by loose definition, the prospect of Red China becoming number one creates anxiety for those who value free market as the way to go. While Beijing’s magnificent new skyscrapers would belie any centralized socialist planning, the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) omnipresence in its streets during the Beijing Olympics was my constant reminder of China’s continuous embrace of its Maoist heritage.
At the same time, however, China’s march into capitalism is just as unstoppable. The central government can continue to pledge allegiance to Mao for the duration of its existence, but one fact remains, its present prosperity is owed not to its hard-line socialist ideology but to its adoption of the free market. And if this prosperity should remain as the cornerstone of the present communist dynasty, the Chinese’ centuries old skills in trade will remain central to its way of life.
In this regard, China has truly come of age. When I decided to see the Beijing Olympics, part of my enthusiasm in coming was that I knew it would be a monumental event for China. The Olympics would be China’s stage in presenting itself as a modern, welcoming, prosperous and culturally sophisticated power. I knew that the Chinese government would spare no expense in making it the greatest Olympic event in history. And Beijing did not disappoint me.
If the Olympics would be any indication of how this massive civilization wants to engage the world, we should then be comforted by the outcome. It is also true that a lot of questions remain on how China conducts itself vis-à-vis Tibet, its regime’s stifling of political and press liberties, the perceived corruption in most levels of its bureaucracy, but it would be a serious mistake to re-isolate this awaken giant. These are all the more reason to continuously engage China.
To do otherwise is not only foolish, but extremely self-defeating.
Chacha: Here We Go Again
The drumbeat for amending the Philippine Constitution is again sounding louder and louder. As Gloria Arroyo’s term nears its almost inevitable end, the sense of panic of what is to befall her and her minions in a post-Arroyo era envelops the government. And as this sense of panic grows, the search for a stop-gap measure to avoid possible retaliation from her opponents in the form of legal prosecution becomes the order of the day.
Regardless of the type of spin that the government employs on who wants what, the hand of the administration in this effort could not be any clearer. In a momentary lapse of judgement, or an intentional testing of the waters came about when Press Secretary Jesus Dureza prayed for Arroyo’s term “by 2010 and beyond”. While the prayer was excused as a mere joke, the administration’s real intent is by no means a secret to anyone. Year after year, Arroyo’s allies in the Lower House have tried, and consistently failed, to change the constitution. From De Venecia to Nograles, the imprint of using the convening of a Constitutional Convention or a Constituent Assembly to extend their own terms and more importantly, that of Arroyo’s is never more glaring. Previous administrations have also used the precept of constitutional change to remain in office, but this is particularly more objectionable to the public due to valid questions on the administration’s legitimacy. The voice of Arroyo on the “hello garci” tapes still haunts the public until now. Besides, who would want to extend a government’s life when it should not have existed in the first place? The degree by which the public has and would continue to demonstrate its unequivocal opposition to such moves would again unravel in the next few weeks. The administration’s lack of time before the May 2010 elections and the wannabe presidents’ own agenda would undoubtedly clash either in the streets or in the halls of Congress. Or both. Arroyo’s sense of urgency is quite undeniable.
While the predominant view in political circles is that there is indeed a need to change to country’s form of government to a federal type with the question on the parliamentary type remaining more debatable, the danger of using the constitutional forum to further their own interests looms so large in the public’s consciousness. The President’s credibility problem is so bad that on this basis alone as shown in survey after survey that constitutional change has almost no chance to succeed. The country’s vastly diverse regions, both in cultural and political sense, give the argument for a federal type of government a lot of weight. This path likewise makes the issue of autonomy for Muslim Mindanao almost moot and academic. The country’s extremely expensive presidential election requires a very redundant national campaign for the candidates actually also lend validity for a parliamentary form. Prime Ministers are elected into office within parliament and require no national campaign, hence vastly reducing the cost of becoming Chief Executive. But opponents of the parliamentary form cite the country’s turncoat culture and the perceived corruption among those who would be given a hand in selecting the country’s leader. Because constitutional change is always held hostage by the administration’s obvious selfish designs, the merits of these proposals become secondary. Just the thought of Arroyo changing titles from President to Prime Minister after 2010 is such a nightmare for a lot of people.
Despite Arroyo’s strong desire to remain in office, time is still her biggest obstacle. Already, the race for to become their party’s standard bearer are in full swing. Even with the appropriately named Lower House’s best efforts to disregard the less cooperative Senate despite the latter’s change of leadership, the prospect looks dim for any real movement towards their goal. With a Senate that leans heavily to the opposition, the House would most likely attempt to go at it alone through some constitutional or legal maneuvering. But the clear need for the Senate’s approval on any move to amend the constitution spells doom for congressmen and Arroyo’s political and legal future.
In all these intramurals, however, the more important factor of the people’s disdain for the status quo and their desire for it to come to pass as quickly as possible should never be ignored. This is the dead end that they know will one day come their way. And then the country moves on, for better or for worse.
Regardless of the type of spin that the government employs on who wants what, the hand of the administration in this effort could not be any clearer. In a momentary lapse of judgement, or an intentional testing of the waters came about when Press Secretary Jesus Dureza prayed for Arroyo’s term “by 2010 and beyond”. While the prayer was excused as a mere joke, the administration’s real intent is by no means a secret to anyone. Year after year, Arroyo’s allies in the Lower House have tried, and consistently failed, to change the constitution. From De Venecia to Nograles, the imprint of using the convening of a Constitutional Convention or a Constituent Assembly to extend their own terms and more importantly, that of Arroyo’s is never more glaring. Previous administrations have also used the precept of constitutional change to remain in office, but this is particularly more objectionable to the public due to valid questions on the administration’s legitimacy. The voice of Arroyo on the “hello garci” tapes still haunts the public until now. Besides, who would want to extend a government’s life when it should not have existed in the first place? The degree by which the public has and would continue to demonstrate its unequivocal opposition to such moves would again unravel in the next few weeks. The administration’s lack of time before the May 2010 elections and the wannabe presidents’ own agenda would undoubtedly clash either in the streets or in the halls of Congress. Or both. Arroyo’s sense of urgency is quite undeniable.
While the predominant view in political circles is that there is indeed a need to change to country’s form of government to a federal type with the question on the parliamentary type remaining more debatable, the danger of using the constitutional forum to further their own interests looms so large in the public’s consciousness. The President’s credibility problem is so bad that on this basis alone as shown in survey after survey that constitutional change has almost no chance to succeed. The country’s vastly diverse regions, both in cultural and political sense, give the argument for a federal type of government a lot of weight. This path likewise makes the issue of autonomy for Muslim Mindanao almost moot and academic. The country’s extremely expensive presidential election requires a very redundant national campaign for the candidates actually also lend validity for a parliamentary form. Prime Ministers are elected into office within parliament and require no national campaign, hence vastly reducing the cost of becoming Chief Executive. But opponents of the parliamentary form cite the country’s turncoat culture and the perceived corruption among those who would be given a hand in selecting the country’s leader. Because constitutional change is always held hostage by the administration’s obvious selfish designs, the merits of these proposals become secondary. Just the thought of Arroyo changing titles from President to Prime Minister after 2010 is such a nightmare for a lot of people.
Despite Arroyo’s strong desire to remain in office, time is still her biggest obstacle. Already, the race for to become their party’s standard bearer are in full swing. Even with the appropriately named Lower House’s best efforts to disregard the less cooperative Senate despite the latter’s change of leadership, the prospect looks dim for any real movement towards their goal. With a Senate that leans heavily to the opposition, the House would most likely attempt to go at it alone through some constitutional or legal maneuvering. But the clear need for the Senate’s approval on any move to amend the constitution spells doom for congressmen and Arroyo’s political and legal future.
In all these intramurals, however, the more important factor of the people’s disdain for the status quo and their desire for it to come to pass as quickly as possible should never be ignored. This is the dead end that they know will one day come their way. And then the country moves on, for better or for worse.
What Obama Means to Fil-Ams
Much has been said about how President-elect Barrack Obama’s presidency is transformative for the United States and its people. How only 40 years ago, African-Americans lived in the segregated South, the election to the presidency of this son of a Kenyan immigrant has truly inspired millions into a movement that made all these happen. Obama’s oratorical prowess and his program of change challenged much of the status quo even within the Democratic Party. He became the face of reform in the midst of a debilitating national picture. He embodied everything that is hopeful for a country that is reeling from the seeming collapse of the national morale.
The November 4th polls also catapulted a wider majority for the Democrats in both houses of Congress. This means that the incoming administration will have a bigger elbow room for its programs, even those that would be too Left in the eyes of conservative Republicans. Obama’s capacity to push his programs will be vastly greater than those of Clinton and Bush II given the margin of the Democrats’ seat advantage this time. Issues that would have been too precarious like immigration reform, redoing the Patriot Act, women’s reproductive rights, stem cell research and major foreign policy shifts particularly in the Middle East seem easier to tackle now than ever before. And since Obama is largely perceived to be on the Left of Clinton and even Carter, the audacity of this administration to push its agenda will be very evident.
Which is what the huge mandate in both the presidential and congressional elections means. Elections are always a referendum of existing policies and those that are proposed to replace them. That is what platforms and policy positions during the campaign are all about. The charge to power by the Democrats in Washington will of course be tempered by the promise of bipartisanship. Just 3 seats shy of the filibuster-proof 60, the Senate Democrats are poised to redefine the legislative agenda. The further fall from power of the likes of Elizabeth Dole and John Sununu also mark an ideological shift in the Senate. Even moderate Republicans agree that there will have to be a serious rethinking of where they want to be in the face of this onslaught. Like on stem cell research, or its unbridled embrace of the evangelical cause as the foundation of its electoral base and as a major component of its ideological fiber.
Above all these, Obama’s presidency is a major cataclysmic shift for a country that for years has been leaning to the Right. It will and probably already has paved the way for a change on how the world views America. The United States will once again lay the ground work for a foreign policy that is much less unilateral and takes greater consideration for international opinion. Democratic administrations have traditionally adhered to a brand of international liberalism that foreign powers have tended to favor vis-a-vis the strong-arm behavior of many Republican administrations. Obama’s pronouncements during the campaign always emphasized regaining America’s moral leadership in the world. Bush’s failure to form a broader coalition for the invasion of Iraq stemmed from this fundamental flaw in foreign policy.
On the more specific question on how the Filipino-American community will be impacted by this historic electoral triumph, nothing touches the cord of immigrant communities than immigration reform. It generates much emotion from either side of the political debate. While the issue was seldom discussed during the campaign, there is widespread expectation that Obama and the Democratic Congress will move, albeit slowly, to fix the lingering immigration issue. Increases in family and employment-based immigration will be received positively by the Filipino-American community. Obama’s close ties to the immigrant community especially when he lived in Hawaii and his own immigrant background certainly augurs well for positive changes in Washington on this deeply divisive issue. The vitality of America’s nationhood after all has deeper roots on immigration than any other policy since its foundation. The broader issue of comprehensive immigration reform that includes giving some status to illegals will be a tougher issue to tackle, but will nonetheless probably be on the table. The previous strong opposition to the defeated bill in the last Congress was premised on its lack of border security features. Many of those issues have been addressed and the plausibility of ignoring this lingering issue is next to unacceptable. And Obama possibly realizes this.
After all, finally confronting this 12 million people problem is really just a matter of time.
On a higher plane, Obama’s victory opens up the door for everybody else. It makes it easier for Asian-Americans and Latinos to dream of someday becoming leader of the Free World. Whether some people like it or not, Obama’s face is the face of America’s present and its even more diverse future. The Obama presidency revalidates America’s promise of inclusion for all those who still seek the American dream. That not only is the promise that of a better life, but a much greater role in shaping its destiny.
Who knows, the next Obama could be among us.
The November 4th polls also catapulted a wider majority for the Democrats in both houses of Congress. This means that the incoming administration will have a bigger elbow room for its programs, even those that would be too Left in the eyes of conservative Republicans. Obama’s capacity to push his programs will be vastly greater than those of Clinton and Bush II given the margin of the Democrats’ seat advantage this time. Issues that would have been too precarious like immigration reform, redoing the Patriot Act, women’s reproductive rights, stem cell research and major foreign policy shifts particularly in the Middle East seem easier to tackle now than ever before. And since Obama is largely perceived to be on the Left of Clinton and even Carter, the audacity of this administration to push its agenda will be very evident.
Which is what the huge mandate in both the presidential and congressional elections means. Elections are always a referendum of existing policies and those that are proposed to replace them. That is what platforms and policy positions during the campaign are all about. The charge to power by the Democrats in Washington will of course be tempered by the promise of bipartisanship. Just 3 seats shy of the filibuster-proof 60, the Senate Democrats are poised to redefine the legislative agenda. The further fall from power of the likes of Elizabeth Dole and John Sununu also mark an ideological shift in the Senate. Even moderate Republicans agree that there will have to be a serious rethinking of where they want to be in the face of this onslaught. Like on stem cell research, or its unbridled embrace of the evangelical cause as the foundation of its electoral base and as a major component of its ideological fiber.
Above all these, Obama’s presidency is a major cataclysmic shift for a country that for years has been leaning to the Right. It will and probably already has paved the way for a change on how the world views America. The United States will once again lay the ground work for a foreign policy that is much less unilateral and takes greater consideration for international opinion. Democratic administrations have traditionally adhered to a brand of international liberalism that foreign powers have tended to favor vis-a-vis the strong-arm behavior of many Republican administrations. Obama’s pronouncements during the campaign always emphasized regaining America’s moral leadership in the world. Bush’s failure to form a broader coalition for the invasion of Iraq stemmed from this fundamental flaw in foreign policy.
On the more specific question on how the Filipino-American community will be impacted by this historic electoral triumph, nothing touches the cord of immigrant communities than immigration reform. It generates much emotion from either side of the political debate. While the issue was seldom discussed during the campaign, there is widespread expectation that Obama and the Democratic Congress will move, albeit slowly, to fix the lingering immigration issue. Increases in family and employment-based immigration will be received positively by the Filipino-American community. Obama’s close ties to the immigrant community especially when he lived in Hawaii and his own immigrant background certainly augurs well for positive changes in Washington on this deeply divisive issue. The vitality of America’s nationhood after all has deeper roots on immigration than any other policy since its foundation. The broader issue of comprehensive immigration reform that includes giving some status to illegals will be a tougher issue to tackle, but will nonetheless probably be on the table. The previous strong opposition to the defeated bill in the last Congress was premised on its lack of border security features. Many of those issues have been addressed and the plausibility of ignoring this lingering issue is next to unacceptable. And Obama possibly realizes this.
After all, finally confronting this 12 million people problem is really just a matter of time.
On a higher plane, Obama’s victory opens up the door for everybody else. It makes it easier for Asian-Americans and Latinos to dream of someday becoming leader of the Free World. Whether some people like it or not, Obama’s face is the face of America’s present and its even more diverse future. The Obama presidency revalidates America’s promise of inclusion for all those who still seek the American dream. That not only is the promise that of a better life, but a much greater role in shaping its destiny.
Who knows, the next Obama could be among us.
Monday, May 26, 2008
the democrats and obama
during the past 20 years, only one democrat won the white house. now the democrats are poised to nominate barrack obama, a senator of less than two years, barely 46 years old and has never had an extensive election experience with the republicans.
but he has captured the imagination of the youthful segment of the democratic party. tired of the status quo and wanting immediate change, these firebrands were enamored by the charismatic and freshness that obama brings into the elections. whether he's right for the nomination, and for the job should he win in november, only time will tell.
in the meantime, middle america hasn't caught up with obamarama. hillary clinton, perceived early on as the candidate of the democratic establishment, lost the early contests because of this anti-establishment onslaught. more experienced, highly skilled in the affairs of governance and a true thorn in the eyes of ideological republicans, the formidability of her general election appeal seems to have been lost on the day dreaming democrats. and so the rural, white and working class americans rejected obama in pennsylvania, ohio, west virginia and kentucky. the heart of middle america.
so we will proceed into the general elections with a candidate who hasn't made a real connection with those whose beliefs and traditions are not truly in sync with liberal california or new england. we are nominating a candidate who is the quintessential democratic liberal who represents the very reasons who democrats always lose.
in a poll by quinipiac of the 3 perennial swing states (ohio, florida and pennsylvania), whose vote for the presidency always decided who will win the contest for over 25 years, hillary clinton will beat mccain in all three by margins ranging from 4 to 10 points. obama will only win against mccain in pennsylvania by 4 points. hillary will win in the same state against the republican nominee by 8 points.
and this story is repeated all over the union. in the states where the democrats need to win in order to close the deal, obama is still struggling with the rural and working class whites, asians and hispanics. his core constituency, african-americans and highly-educated liberal democrats will vote democratic anyway. regardless of who the nominee will be. on the other hand, 30 percent of voters in an exit poll in kentucky said they would vote for mccain should obama become the democratic nominee. similar figures were obtained in pennsylvania and west virginia.
i am not writing obama off in the general election. but i would not be surprised if this will be another republican year. despite the unpopular war, despite the spiraling economy, and yes despite the wild clamor for change.
Friday, February 29, 2008
when greed becomes a way of life
when greed becomes a way of life
it's not an uncommon proposition that in order to eradicate corruption
in the philippines, you've got to kill everyone in the country above
the age of 18. during the spring and the summer, that includes my
mother. corruption had become so prevalent even 22 years after marcos
that it had assumed the status of a birthright among those in power.
to question corruption in the philippines is like a silly form of
inutile outrage. so silly that to cry foul to a government official
committing graft right before your very eyes had become one stupid
exercise.
stupid because you'll end up stupider than the stupid government
official you are trying to catch. stupid because in the eyes of the
public, you are catching a government official who only does what he
is in power for, which is steal from government coffers. after all,
conventional wisdom says, who doesn't do it anyway?
it becomes even stupider when you try to bring someone to court for,
what else, stealing money from the already bankrupt government. it had
become so ridiculous in the eye of the filipino that such an act would
only be time wasted and, ironically, even embolden those who have
assumed the habit of getting kickbacks without even trying. such is
the fate of such idiots like salonga, guingona, cory aquino and the
others who, even in the last stages of their long lives have enlisted
themselves to the most useless of useless causes. bringing gloria
arroyo to answer for her greed.
because according to popular filipino wisdom, why change a government
with a new one since the next government will be just as, if not more
corrupt, than the last? it makes perfect sense since arroyo is
preceded by estrada and estrada is preceded by ramos. who would argue
with with the fact that greed begets greed? corruption had become so
embedded in the filipino political culture that a government official
is corrupt unless proven otherwise. besides, nobody has declared noli
de castro graft-free. nor the senate president, much less the speaker
of the aptly named Lower House.
so the current "political noise", as the most corrupt of them all has
called the present situation, is nothing but the filipino's way of
saying we are not all corrupt after all. some will stand up to say
enough of too much corruption. it's time to "moderate the greed". but
as past experience would tell us, this political noise will eventual
die down and gloria arroyo will survive another test to her stellar
presidency. thanks to our adequately compensated and pathologically
loyal generals. whoever said crime does not pay must not have lived in
the philippines.
i don't know but i am still hoping that corruption is not
intrinsically filipino. that maybe it is not genetic and there might
be some hope for rehabilitation. maybe putting arroyo to jail now, or
after 2010 without the possibility of parole would be a good start.
but of course, the next president would be just as corrupt isn't it?
then jail him too for heavens sakes. and the next, and the next, and
the next until they all get it.
well, it's really wishful thinking. as filipino wisdom goes, there's
really nothing we can do.
until we all die doing nothing.
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